ปฏิสัมพันธ์ระหว่างการณ์ลักษณะทางไวยากรณ์และการณ์ลักษณะประจำคำ : การศึกษาแบบอิงคลังข้อมูลภาษา / คเชนทร์ ตัญศิริ = Interactions between grammatical aspect and lexical aspect in Thai : a corpus-based study / Kachen Tansiri
This present research is a study of the aspectual system in Thai based on attested language data. It aims at analyzing interactions between six grammatical aspect markers, namely, “kamlang”, “juu”, “jang”, “laew”, “khoej”, and “ca” on the one hand, and lexical aspect on the other hand. Specifically, this study identifies co-occurring patterns of these grammatical aspect markers, and analyzing interactions between the grammatical aspect markers that co-occur in the same sentence. It is found that the marker “kamlang” can be analyzed as a progressive aspect marker because it functions to highlight the dynamic phase of a situation and contrues it as an on-going process. The marker “juu” can be considered an existential aspect marker because it can highlight either a dynamic or static phase of a situation. The juu-marked situation is presented as existing at the reference time. The marker “jang” can be analyzed as a continuative aspect marker because it functions to highlight either a dynamic or static phase of a situation and construes it as a continuing situation at the reference time. Besides the aspectual meaning, the marker “jang” also carries a presupposition of an opposite situation to the one described by a sentence. The opposite situation could be either posterior to or simultaneously counterfactual with the one described by the sentence. The marker “laew” can be considered a marker of anteriority because it can function to highlight either an immediate phase of a situation or a post-state. Highlighting an immediate phase, it construes a situation as a prior situation which continues to the reference time. Highlighting a post-state, it conveys the aspectual meaning of a prior situation with current relevance. Like “jang”, the marker “laew” also carries a presupposition of an opposite situation to the one described by a sentence. However, as for “laew”, the opposite situation could be either anterior to or simultaneously counterfactual with the one described by a sentence. The marker “khoej” can be analyzed as a marker of experiential perfect in that it highlights a post-state and conveys the meaning that the situation described by a sentence had occurred at least once before the reference time. The marker “ca” can be analyzed as an irrealis marker which subsumes three main semantic facets of intention, prospective aspect, and epistemic possibility. As a prospective aspect marker, the marker “ca” highlights a pre-state and conveys the meaning that the situation being described has a tendency to occur after the reference time. It is also found that these six aspect markers can co-occur from 2 to 4 markers in the same sentence. Co-occurring in the same sentence, the preverbal markers aspectually modify the sentence prior to the postverbal ones.
